In particular, the remarkable series of tree-rings from the teak forests of Java reveal prolonged periods of drought on the whole island in 1605—16, 1633— 8 and, above all, 1643—71 see Figure 8. But everything was not drawn into the new whirlpool. Local community and church bureaucracies grew enormously, cooperated with the state, and widened their activities to education, marriage, the family, welfare, and health. Trevor-Roper goes very far in this direction when he belittles the sixteenth-century changes and esteems them negligible compared with what happened in the seventeenth century. Here riots were more frequent than in the country, but when rural unrest did explode it was at least equally violent and atrocious. The revolts were by no means directed against a stagnating parasitism, but against a dynamic absolutism which, with its taxation policy, violated the customary laws and threatened to disrupt the social balance or deprive parts of the population of their livelihood. How individualistically and distinctively artists react to problems of their life and times! The budgets and surveys of revenue and expenditure, which either have been or can be unearthed from the various European states in the seventeenth century, may be correct enough within their own limitations, but they are seldom comparable over a long period of time and they give only an incomplete picture of the economic impact of the State.
Serious rebellions, such as at Shimabara in 1637—8, occurred but seldom and proved relatively easy to suppress. Franz, Geschichte des deutschen Bauernstandes vom frühen Mittelalter bis zum 19. Imperial activities stimulated territorial states to grow: directly, when Charles V deployed the precocious Spanish state against Protestantism, and the German Protestant princes mobilized in response; indirectly, when between 1519 and 1606 Imperial taxes increased sixfold, creating as Schulze shows the precedent and the need for an increase in territorial taxes. Resistance to these new forms of redistribution, and competition to control them, were central elements in the crisis. To sum up: the century prior to the crisis saw a probably not coincidental confluence between the growth of the economy and that of the state. Schilling, Konfessionskonflikt und Staatsbildung: Eine Fallstudie über das Verhältnis von religiösem und sozialem Wandel in der Frühneuzeit am Beispiel der Grafschaft Lippe Gütersloh, 1981 , p. But in any case there were many fluctuations and they had, as we have already mentioned, serious consequences and reflected severe drops in prosperity and social order.
See, for another similar case, G. For a Dutch dimension to the Naples revolt of 1585, see Villari, La rivolta, pp. Frank, Latin America, Underdevelopment or Revolution London, 1969 , pp. Kamen, The Iron Century, 1560—1660 London, 1971 , pp. Two essays that appeared in the British journal Past and Present during the 1950s have proved particularly influential. Here the Dutch drove out the Portuguese, but the East India Company had great trouble in actually taking over what the Portuguese had given up.
On the German Kleinstaat, see J. McGowan, Economic Life in Ottoman Europe: Taxation, Trade and the Struggle for Land, 1600—1800 Cambridge, 1981 ; and F. The upward-striving bourgeoisie, says Mousnier, ousted the decaying nobility, the nobility resisted and hunger drove the common people towards support of the one class or the other. Hoarding and export of precious metals, the latter especially to Asia, did indeed drain money from circulation, but there was always a new supply, especially later on in the seventeenth century, e. But since one of the chief motives for such a transference was precisely the wish to dodge the guild regulations and taxation of the towns—i. In the case of Languedoc, Le Roy Ladurie has reckoned the part played by direct taxation in the gross product at a little over 6 per cent in the years approaching 1620, rising to about 13 per cent at the middle of the century.
In times of general slump years of recovery and improvement can still be very important. Atwell and Anthony Reid agree that a deteriorating global climate, however caused, adversely affected food resources elsewhere in East Asia—both north and south of the equator—during the mid-seventeenth century Chapters 8 and 9. A population caught in this trap faced only three choices: migration, starvation or revolt. The new competitors could scarcely make up for the decline in the trade of Seville in the first decades of the century, but it is probable that they did so shortly after the middle of the century. In fact, mankind proceeds from crisis to crisis.
In the war, internal and external resistance to the growth of the state coincided. Communications in the seventeenth century moved too slowly to permit the effective exchange of resources, or even news. See also the subsequent articles of S. According to preference, we can reject the concept of crisis altogether or couple it with the problem of absolutism. Villari, La rivolta antispagnola a Napoli. Goldstone, Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World Berkeley, Calif. A third current has adopted a sceptical stance towards the very concept of a general crisis.
For him crisis is also a new birth, which he describes with particular reference to England. Supple, Commercial Crisis and Change in England, 1600—1642 Cambridge, 1959 , p. While here and there attaining to unexpected heights, the Republic was yet every time drawn back to its own place at a junction of waterways, among the great powers, among the civilizations of the West, drawing breath with the rise and fall of the destiny of European nations. Data about beggars from Kamen, Iron Century, pp. This rebellion became a civil war because both Emperor Ferdinand and Frederick V of the Palatinate appealed to institutions and legitimacy outside the territorial state of Bohemia, although within the composite state of the Empire.
It is odd that the Dutch Republic in the seventeenth century enjoyed comparatively great internal tranquillity Perhaps nineteenth-century historians saw this in too rose-coloured a light, while, in that respect, we have become more sensitive to the tensions in the Republic also. Figures on Spanish towns from D. Trends and developments do not in fact take 31 December or 1 January into account, and pass unnoticed from the year 99 to 100. Meanwhile, one aspect of the discussion about the seventeenth-century crisis I prefer to avoid, even though I feel obliged to offer some explanation. . Lloyd Moote is surely correct to expect greater clarity to emerge only when more comparative studies have been completed.
Not only did these tendencies coexist at the same time throughout Europe, but even in the same social group, even in the same man, they were present and divisive. It was not that the rich and well-born loved royal centralization for its own sake, but their love of order was mostly a sensible and deliberate self-interested calculation. Particularly for peasant villages, this process of corporate appeal frequently involved playing off the territorial and the Imperial states against one another. But this isolation of the object of investigation, however fruitful it may be in an economic analysis, has turned out to be destructive in an historical investigation. Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil, 1624— 1654 Oxford, 1957 , pp. Indeed, as we have seen, studies of the growth of the state on the local level suggest that the resources at issue ranged beyond the economic, to control over almost all aspects of behaviour and belief.